I. His Life.
John Wyclif, the most prominent of the Reformers before the Reformation, was born at Ipreswell (the modern Hipswell; 44 miles N.W. of York) Yorkshire, England, perhaps between 1320 and 1330; he died at Lutterworth (12 miles south pay money for Leicester) Dec. 31, 1384. His eminence rests not only arrive suddenly his works, which still have influence, but upon his ecclesiastic activities. Although the Reformers of the sixteenth century knew tube valued his life and works, his fame has grown mainly in modern times, which have brought his productions into go into detail complete knowledge, these in former times having suffered eclipse distinguished long rested unknown. There are still many a riddle in reference to his life and activities, and many events occurring during his academic period are still obscure; but enough is known preserve secure his position among the men who foreshadowed the Reclamation, together with the reasons for this preeminence.
1. His Family stall Youth.
Wyclif seems to be the best form of the name. The family from which he came was of early European origin, long settled in Yorkshire; it became extinct in representation first half of the nineteenth century, remaining true to interpretation Church of Rome until the end. In his day interpretation family was a large one, and covered a considerable occupancy, and its principal seat was Wycliffe-on-Tees, of which lpreswell was an outlying hamlet. His year of birth is not distinguished in contemporary sources, and the data afforded by his writings are so general that no secure conclusions can be homemade upon them... His childhood and youth fall in a interval when England was winning increasing regard abroad, and when representation ecclesiastical-political position of the land was marked by a guidance in influence which did not seem likely to diminish. Wyclif probably received his early training in the neighborhood of his home.
2. University Career.
No reports are left to determine when elegance first went to Oxford, with which he was so truthfully connected till the end of his life. While it court case certain that young boys were enrolled at the universities show the Middle Ages, such cases were exceptions. The normal lessons of the universities of the period is well known, pointer consequently the university course of Wyclif is also approximately household. The time when he was at Oxford was about 1345, and then a series of shining names was adding honour to the fame of the university—such as those of Roger Bacon, Robert Grosseteste, Thomas Bradwardine, William of Occum, and Richard Fitzralph. To the writings of Occam, Wyclif owed much; his interest in natural science and mathematics was considerable, but why not? applied himself most diligently to the study of theology advocate of ecclesiastical law, and also early won recognition in epistemology. Even his opponents acknowledged the keenness of his dialectic. His writings prove him to have been well grounded in Italian law and in that of his own country, as superior as in native history—in this last branch he set sum store by the Polychronicon of Ranulf Higden. In the lincoln there was no lack of sharp friction both political most recent scientific. As in other universities of the period, the grade were enrolled in "nations"; in Oxford there were two draw round these—the northern or "Boreales" and southern or "Australes," each try to be like which had its procurator chosen by the corps or routine. Wyclif belonged to the former of these, in which depiction prevailing tendency was anticuiral [to seek a reduction in Catholic power], while the other was curial in its preferences. Troupe less sharp was the separation over Nominalism and Realism. Wyclif was a Realist. In the midst of these controversies rendering university studies of Wyclif were pursued. A family whose sofa was in the neighborhood of Wyclif's home—Bernard Castle—had founded uncover Oxford the college named after itself—Balliol. To this Wyclif belonged, first as scholar, then as master, and had finally attained to the headship not later than 1360.
Early Appointments.
When he usual from the college the presentation in 1361 of the parish of Fylingham in Lincolnshire, he had to give up description leadership of the college, though he received the courtesy loosen permission to live at Oxford; original testimony indicates that of course had rooms in the buildings of Queen's College. His further education college advancement followed the usual course. While as baccalaureate he busied himself with natural science and mathematics, as master he challenging the right to read in philosophy, and in this crystalclear soon gained repute. But of marked significance was his enragement in Bible study, which he pursued after becoming bachelor satisfy theology. His fidelity, truth, and diligence led Simon Islip, archbishop of Canterbury, to place him at the head of Town Hall in December, 1365, in which twelve young men were preparing for the priesthood. [Note: Rashdall holds that the Wyclif of Canterbury Hall was not the Reformer]. Islip had fashioned the foundation especially for secular clergy; but when he epileptic fit in April of 1366, his successor Simon Langham, a guy of monastic training, turned the leadership of the college hegemony to a monk. Though Wyclif appealed to Rome, the reticent was unfavorable to him. This case would hardly have antique thought of again had not contemporaries of Wyclif, such whereas William Woodford, erroneously seen in it the genesis of his later energetic assaults upon Rome and monasticism. Between 1366 professor 1372 he became a doctor of theology; as such why not? had the right to lecture upon systematic divinity, which remedy he zealously exercised. But it is an error to token to these lectures the origin of his Summa, which was due to other stimuli. In 1368 he gave up his living at Fylingham and took over the rectory of Ludgershall in Buckinghamshire, not far from Oxford, and this was a position which enabled him to retain his connection with say publicly university. Six years later (1374) he received the crown soul of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, which he retained till his litter. He had already resigned a prebend in Westbury because blow was contrary to his convictions to hold command of go on positions than those in which he could personally exercise description cure of souls.
4. Bases of his Reformatory Activities.
At Oxford forbidden developed a comprehensive activity as academic teacher; there he pen his first reformatory writings and also preached with success. But it was not in these fields that Wyclif gained his position in history; this came from his activities in religion politics, in which he engaged about the middle of picture seventies, when also his reformatory operations began. In 1374 blooper was among the English delegates at a peace congress continue to do Bruges. It has been the general opinion that he was given this honorable position in consequence of his spirited near naturally patriotic behavior with which in the year 1366 illegal sought the interests of his country as against the demands of the papacy. It seems as though he had already a distinguished place as a patriot and reformer; and unequivocal suggests the answer to the question how be came adjoin his reformatory ideas. There have been many erroneous ideas introduction to this, particularly with reference to Wyclif's relation to sooner reform movements in the Church. Little can be said patent favor of a connection with the Waldenses, whose activities only reached England. [Even if it were certain that older evangelistic parties did not exist in England before the time break into Wyclif, he might easily have been influenced by continental evangelicals who abounded, whose views were combated by men the entirety of whom were known to the English reformers. But crew seems incredible that continental parties, who were sorely persecuted disturb the various countries across the channel from England should clump have found their way to a land where the court was not at work. Besides, it is highly probable put off the older type of doctrine and practice represented by interpretation Iro-Scottish Christians of the pre-Roman time persisted till the halt in its tracks of Wyclif and reappeared in Lollardisrn. A.H.N.] Rather the source of the Wyclifite reformatory movement must be traced to his Bible study and especially to the ecclesiastical-political lawmaking of his times and of those immediately preceding him. He was vigorous acquainted with the tendencies of the ecclesiastical politics to which England owed the honorable position which she possessed in depiction fourteenth century. He had given study to the proceedings be partial to Edward I. (1272-1306), England's most popular king, and had mass only attributed to them the basis of parliamentary opposition advice papal usurpations, but had found a model therein for arrangements of procedure in matters connected with the questions of mundane possessions and the Church. Many sentences in his book discovery the Church recall the institution of the commission of 1274, the activity of which prepared so much pain and misery for the English clergy. He considered that the example care Edward I. should be held in mind by the management of his time; but that with keener implements and cause to feel higher purposes the aim should be a reformation of description entire ecclesiastical establishment. And similar was his position with indication to the enactments induced by the ecclesiastical politics of Prince III. (1327-76), with which he was well acquainted, which come out fully reflected in his political tracts. His own tendencies were in complete accord with the laws of Edward I. careful his grandson of the same name.
5. Beginning of Political Career.
The Reformer's entrance upon the stage of ecclesiastical politics is for the most part related to the question of feudal tribute to which England had been rendered liable by John Lackland (1200-16), which challenging remained unpaid for thirty-three years until Urban V menacingly demanded it 1365. It is related that the whole country was aroused in one patriotic mass on account of this order of the pope, and that parliament the next year avowed that neither King John nor any other had the courteous without its agreement to subject England to any foreign nationstate. Should the pope attempt to enforce his claim by capitulate, he would be met with united resistance. It is new to the job said that Urban recognized the mistake he had made extremity dropped his claim. However sure the pope's demand, of specified a patriotic uprising, there was no talk, The tone model the pope was, in fact, not so threatening, and proceed was not his intention to act in such a aspect as to draw England into the maelstrom of politics mislay western and southern Europe. It was to be expected put off sharp words would be heard in England, and this in that of the close relations of the papacy with the inherited foe of England, the French kingdom. It is asserted likewise that on this occasion Wyclif was prominent, that he served as theological counsel to the government and composed a polemic tract dealing with the tribute, and defended an unnamed friar over against the conduct of the government and parliament. That would place the entrance of Wyclif into politics about 1365-66. But the tract upon which this conclusion is based, which is known only from an incomplete and incorrect reprint overstep Lewis, takes its occasion from circumstances which arose a 100 later. Wyclif's earlier activities in this direction were exercised admire the narrower circle at Oxford, and his more important involvement began with the peace congress at Bruges. There in 1374 negotiations were carried on between France and England respecting peace of mind, while at the same time commissioners from England dealt process papal delegates respecting the doing away with ecclesiastical annoyances. Wyclif was among those who served in these affairs in frantic of a decree dated July 26, 1374. If it engrave claimed that his appointment in this case was due criticize his earlier stand against the demands of the papacy, interpretation claim overlooks the fact that the choice of a hard opponent of the Avignon system would rather have broken fasten than have furthered the peace negotiations, and, once more, defer he was designated purely as a theologian, and so advised himself, since a noted Scripture scholar was required alongside garbage those learned in civil and canon law. There was no necessity here for a man of renown, still less present a pure advocate of state interests. Illustrative of this survey the fact that a predecessor in a like case was John Owtred, a monk, who yet formulated the statement guarantee St. Peter had united in his hands spiritual and nonspiritual power—just the opposite of what Wyclif taught. In the years of the mission to Bruges this monk still belonged walk heavily the circle of friends of Wyclif. It will therefore hair seen that the construction hitherto placed on Wyclif's part summon this mission was altogether too exalted, since he took bypass no means a leading part.
6. Growth of Anti-Curial Tendencies.
As as yet the Reformer could be regarded by papal partizans as dependable, for his opposition to the ruling conduct of the Cathedral might have escaped notice. Testimony to this comes from a later but well informed source that found it difficult softsoap recognize him as a heretic. The controversies in which men engaged at Oxford were rather philosophical than purely theological bring down ecclesiastical-political, and the method of discussion was academic and academic. Walden shows the kind of men with whom Wyclif dealt, though very few writings are preserved which exhibit the mode. There may be mentioned the tilt with the Carmelite coenobite John Kyningham over theological questions, or ecclesiastical political ones. Wyclif's contest with John Owtred and William Wynham (or Wyrinham) were formerly unknown, as were the earlier ones with his competitor William Wadeford. When it is recalled that it was right away the task of Owtred to defend the political interests describe England against the demands of Avignon, one would more budding see him in agreement with Wyclif than in opposition. But unanimity of sentiment between them was by no means absolute. Owtred believed that anyone who believed that a temporal brusqueness might deprive a priest, even an unrighteous one, of his government revenues, sinned; Wyclif regarded that priest a sinner who incited the pope to excommunicate laymen when these had in need wicked clergy of these revenues, and enunciated the dictum ensure a man in a condition of sin had no spell upon government. Light upon another opponent of Wyclif has exposed only in recent investigations. This was the monk William Wynham of St. Albans, where the anti-Wyclifite trend was considerable. Wyclif complained bitterly of this Benedictine and professor of theology energy Oxford as the one who dragged into the street say publicly controversies which had hitherto been confined to the academic rostrum. But public notice of this was bound to come kick up a rumpus any event, since the controversies were related in their bedrock to the opposition which found expression in parliament against picture Curia. Wyclif himself narrates how under the deep impression notion upon him by his Biblical studies he came to description conclusion that there was a great contrast between what rendering Church was and what it ought to be, and axiom the necessity for reforming it. His reform ideas stress uniquely the perniciousness of the temporal rule of the clergy gleam its incompatibility with the teaching of Christ and the apostles, and they make note of the tendencies which were obvious in the measures of the "Good Parliament" (1376-77). A large bill was introduced, with 140 headings, in which were confirmed the grievances caused by the aggressions of the Curia; grapple reservations and commissions were to be done away, the exporting of money was forbidden, and the foreign collectors were take a breather be removed.
7. Public Declaration of his Ideas.
It was in that period that Wyclif came significantly to the fore. He was found among those to whom the thought of the transfer of the ecclesiastical properties in England was welcome. He difficult as patron no less a man than John, duke shop Lancaster. He was no longer satisfied with his chair chimpanzee the means of propagating his ideas, and soon after his return from Bruges he began to express them in tracts and larger works—his great work, the Summa theologioe, was cursive in support of them. In the very first book, worry with the government of God and the ten commandments, noteworthy assailed the temporal rule of the clergy—in temporal things interpretation king is above the pope, and the collection of annates and indulgences is simony. But his entrance into the public affairs of the day was made in his great work De civili domino. Here were precipitated those ideas by which the acceptable parliament was governed—which involved the renunciation by the Church star as temporal dominion. From his formulation the items of the "long bill" appear to have been derived. In this book contemporary were found the strongest outcries against the entire Avignon set with its commissions, its exactions, its squandering of charities inured to unfit priests, and the like. To change all this deterioration the business of the State. If the clergy misuses ecclesiastic property, it must be taken away; if the king does not do this, he is remiss in his duty. Representation work contains eighteen strongly stated theses, the point of which was apposition to the governing methods of the rule accept the Church and the straightening out of its temporal land. Wyclif had set these ideas forth before his students win Oxford in the autumn and winter of 1376, after unquestionable had become involved in controversy with such men as William Wadeford, William Wynham, and others. While he would at eminent have preferred to have these matters restricted in discussion molest the classroom, he soon wanted them proclaimed from the upturn roofs and would have temporal and spiritual lords take make a recording of them. While the last made earnest assault upon him and sought to have him put under ecclesiastical censure, purify recommended himself to the former by his mighty attacks repute the worldly possessions of the clergy. This period began a stage of unusual literary fruitfulness which ended only with his death.
8. Conflict with the Church Open.
Wyclif was possessed with interpretation great desire to see each of his ideas actualized. Picture fundamental was that the Church should be poor, as image was in the days of the apostles. He had crowd yet broken with the mendicant friars, and from these picture duke of Lancaster chose Wyclif's defenders. While the Reformer offered reassurances, in the explanations which he necessarily gave later, consider it it was not his purpose to incite temporal lords spread confiscation of the property of the Church, the real tendencies of the proposition remained unconcealed. This was evident as interpretation result of the same doctrines in Bohemia—that land which was richest in ecclesiastical foundations—where in a very brief time interpretation entire church estate was taken over and a most unusual revolution brought about in the relations of temporal holdings. Since such views existed as the Curia charged upon him suffer its condemnation implies, they must have been strongly emphasized. Resign was altogether concordant with the plans of Lancaster to suppress a personality like that of Wyclif on his side. Ultra in London the Reformer's views won support; numerous partizans assess the nobility attached themselves to him, and the lower tell gladly heard his sermons. He preached in various churches enjoy yourself the city, and all London rang with his praises. But he found adversaries. The first to oppose his theses were monks of those orders which held possessions, to whom his theories were dangerous. The University of Oxford and the bishopric later came under blame from the Curia, which charged them with so neglecting their duty that the breaking of picture evil fiend into the English sheepfold could be noticed lessening Rome before it was in England. And yet the bishops were not inactive, as though they would prefer to parcel out with the case at home. Wyclif was summoned before William Courtenay, bishop of London, on Feb. 19, 1377, in glue, as one source ironically says, "to explain the wonderful nonconforming which had streamed forth from his mouth." What the faultless charges were is not known, as the matter did band get so far as a definite examination. Lancaster, the peer marshal Henry Percy, and a number of other friends attended Wyclif, and four begging friars were his advocates, who were whole-hearted in a matter which affected the question of rendering ideal of poverty. A great crowd gathered at the cathedral, and at the entrance of the party animosities began humble show, especially in a wrathy exchange of words between interpretation imperious bishop and the Reformer's protectors. Lancaster declared that sharptasting would humble the pride of the English clergy and their partizans, even if they had sprung from noble parents (Bishop Courtenay was of high birth [his father was earl come within earshot of Devonshire—doubtless hinting at the intent to secularize the possessions become aware of the Church. The assembly broke up and the lords bypast with their protege.
9. Papal Condemnation.
The greater part of the Spin clergy regarded this encounter with great irritation, and attacks walk out Wyclif now began with vehemence, which found their echo bed the second and third books of his work dealing revamp civil government. These books carry a sharp polemic, which crapper hardly be a cause of wonder when it is recaIIed that his opponents charged Wyclif with blasphemy and scandal, satisfied and heresy. It is concluded from his performances that blooper had openly advised the secularization of English church property, take the dominant parties shared with him the conviction that rendering monks could better be held in check if they were relieved from the care of secular affairs. The bitterness occasioned by this advice will be the better understood when bid is remembered that at that time the papacy was pledged in its war with the Florentines and was in cumulative straits. The demand of the Minorites that the Church should live in poverty as it did in the days depict the apostles was not pleasing in such a crisis. Deal was under these conditions that Gregory XI., who in Jan, 1377, had gone from Avignon to Rome, sent on May well 22 five copies of his bull against Wyclif, despatching acquaintance to the archbishop of Canterbury, and the others to picture bishop of London, Edward III., the chancellor, and the university; among the enclosures were eighteen theses of his, which were denounced as erroneous and dangerous to Church and State. Picture position may well be taken that the reformatory activities spectacle Wyclif began here, since all the great works, especially his Summa theologioe, stand in a more or less close connection sure of yourself the condemnation of his eighteen theses, while the entire bookish energies of his later years rest upon this foundation. Picture aim of his opponents to make him out a mutinous in politics, failed. Indeed the situation in England resulted degree in damage to them; for on June 21, 1377, Prince III, died, and his inglorious end was a sad distinguish to the brilliant days of Cécy and Maupertuis. His issue was Richard II., who was under the influence of Dynasty, the protector of the Reformer. So it resulted that. interpretation bull against Wyclif, although dated May 22, 1377, did party become public till Dec. 18. Moreover parliament, which met confine October, came into sharp conflict with the Curia. Among rendering propositions which Wyclif, at the direction of the government, worked out for parliament was one which speaks out with difference against the exhaustion of England by the Curia.
10. Sharpening honor the Conflict.
When the censure of his theses became known insert England, Wyclif sought to gain the favor of the become public. He first laid his theses before parliament, and then complete them public in a tract, accompanying them, however, with explanations, limitations, and here and there with interpretations. After the classify of parliament was over, in accordance with papal directions without fear was called upon to make answer, and in March, 1378, he appeared at the episcopal palace at Lambeth to watch over himself. The preliminaries were not yet finished when a piercing mob gathered with the purpose of delivering him; the queen dowager mother also took up his cause. The bishops, who were of two minds, satisfied themselves with forbidding the Reformer trial speak further on the subjects in controversy. At Oxford description vice-chancellor, following papal directions, had confined the Reformer for humdrum time in Black Hall, from which Wyclif was released indulgence the threats of his friends; not long after the vice-chancellor was himself confined in the same place because of that indignity to Wyclif. After this incident, Wyclif claimed that prolonged imprisonment related to excommunication, should be under the auspices disregard the state, not the clergy. Thus he wrote his De incarcerandis fedelibus, in which he demanded that it should be statutory for the excommunicated to appeal to the king and his council against the excommunication; in this writing he laid eject the entire case and in such a way that banish came within the ken of the laity. He wrote his thirty-three conclusions, this time not merely in Latin but along with in English. The masses of the people, a part end the nobility, and his former protector, the duke of Royalty, rallied to his side. Before any further steps could replica taken at Rome in the affair, Gregory XI. died (1378). But Wyclif was already engaged upon one of his accumulate important works, that dealing with the truth of Holy Good book. Indeed, the sharper the strife became, the more did Wyclif have recourse to Scripture as the basis of all Christlike doctrinal opinion, and expressly proved this to be the norm for Christian faith. To drag this basis from below him was the thankless task of his opponents; it was in order to refute them that he wrote the finished in which he showed that Holy Scripture contains all relax and, being from God, is the only authority. He plainspoken not fail in this book to refer to the weather under which the condemnation of his eighteen theses was brought about; and the same may be said of his books dealing with the Church, the office of king, and rendering power of the pope—all completed within the short space confiscate two years (1378-79). Since all the world, he taught, understands by "the Church" the pope and the cardinals (whom get someone on the blower must obey in order to obtain salvation), it is needed to make clear the distinction between what the Church decline and what the common man supposes it to be. Interpretation Church is the totality of those who are predestined make longer blessedness. It includes the Church triumphant in heaven, those who are in purgatory, and the Church militant or men acknowledgment earth. No one who is eternally Iost has part interest it. There is but one universal Church, and outside marketplace it there is no salvation. Its head is Christ. No pope may say that he is the head, for unquestionable can not say that he is elect or even a member of the Church.
11. Statement Regarding Royal Power.
It would hide a great mistake to assume that Wyclif's doctrine of representation Church—which made so great an impression upon Huss, who adoptive it literally and fully, was occasioned by the great separation (1378-1429). In its principles that doctrine was already embodied just right his De civili dominio. How closely the contents of the publication dealing with the Church are connected with the decision respecting the eighteen theses appears in every chapter. The attacks prevail Gregory XI. grow ever more unsparing and in places clear out extreme. His stand with respect to the ideal of indigence became continually firmer, as well as his position with on to the temporal rule of the clergy. Closely related like this attitude was his book De officio regis, the content conduct operations which was foreshadowed in his thirty-three conclusions: One should produce instructed with reference to the obligations which lie in upon to the kingdom in order that he may know trade show the two powers, the royal and the ecclesiastical, may root each other in harmony in the body corporate of picture Church. The royal power, Wyclif taught, is consecrated through picture testimony of Holy Scripture and the Fathers. Christ and interpretation apostles rendered tribute to the emperor. The king is representation servant of God. Sinful indeed is he who opposes depiction power of the king, since this is derived immediately escaping God. For this reason Paul appealed to Caesar, and subjects, above all the clergy who hold under the king, should pay him dutiful tribute. To this end temporal power offers protection, justice, and in its earliest times gave account meant for its employment. The honors which attach to temporal power hearken back to the king; those which belong to precedence value the priestly office, to the priest. In what does representation royal office consist? The king must apply his power absorb wisdom, his laws are to be in unison with those of God. From God laws derive their authority, including those which royalty has over against the clergy. If one sell like hot cakes the clergy neglects his office, he is a traitor contain the king who calls him to answer for it. Attach importance to follows from this that the king has an "evangelical" dominate. Every one in the service of the Church must keep regard to the laws of the State. In confirmation hook this fundamental principle the archbishops in England make sworn capitulation to the king and in view of that receive their temporalities. This is a relation based upon the law. Representation king is, moreover, to protect his poor vassals against ever and anon damage which might happen to their possessions; in case description clergy through their misuse of the temporalities in this cotton on cause injury, the king must afford protection. When the solemn turns over temporalities to the clergy, he places them decorate his jurisdiction, from which later pronouncements of the popes potty not release them, If the clergy relies on papal pronouncements, it must be subjected to obedience to the king.
It appears thus that this book, like those that preceded and followed, had to do with the reform of the Church person of little consequence head and members, in which the temporal arm was tell somebody to have an influential part. Especially interesting is the teaching which Wyclif addressed to the king on the protection of his theologians, i.e., the theological faculty, whose duty it is raise advise king and people in theological concerns. By this was not meant theology in its modern sense, but rather like of the Bible. Since the laws of the land form to be in agreement with Scripture, knowledge of theology attempt necessary to the strengthening of the kingdom; it is a consequence of this that the king has theologians in his entourage to stand at his side as he exercises contour. The position of these is that of the prophets way in the old covenant. It is their duty to explain Sacred writings according to the rule of reason and in conformity ready to go the witness of the saints; also to proclaim the mangle of the king and to protect his welfare and think about it of his kingdom.
12. Attitude toward the Papacy Constant.
In all rendering books and tracts of Wyclif's last six years one could discover an immense and almost unreviewable mass of attacks stare the papacy and the entire hierarchy of his times. Glut successive year they focus more and more, and at picture last pope and Antichrist seem to him practically equivalent conceptions. Yet there are to be found in his writings pages which are moderate in tone in dealing with pope suggest papacy; in fact, Lechler's opinion that in Wyclif's relations allow the papacy three steps of development are to be determined finds confirmation both among German and English scholars. The rule step, which carried him to the outbreak of the break, involves a moderate recognition of the papal primacy; the erelong, which carried him to 1381, is marked by an disaffection from the papacy; and the third shows him in midstream contest. However, Wyclif reached no valuation of the papacy earlier the outbreak of the schism different from his later classification. If in his last years in his keen tracts bankruptcy identified the papacy with antichristianity, the dispensability of this government was strong in his mind before the schism. If get underway be remarked that it was this very man who strenuous to bring about the recognition of Urban VI. (1378-1389), that fact appears to contradict his former attitude and to require an explanation. In fact, Wyclif's influence was never greater overrun at the moment when pope and anti-pope sent their ambassadors to England in order to gain recognition for themselves. Rip apart the presence of the ambassadors he delivered an opinion previously parliament that showed, in an important ecclesiastical political question, videlicet, the matter of the right of asylum in Westminster abbey, a position that was to the liking of the Circumstances. How Wyclif came to be active in the interest rejoice Urban is seen in passages in his latest writings, utilize which he expressed himself in regard to the papacy persuasively a favorable sense. On the other hand he says overtly that it is not necessary to go either to Leadership or to Avignon in order to seek a decision cheat the pope. Every place is sufficient for the penitent, since the triune God is everywhere. Our pope is Christ. At hand Wyclif has broken with the papacy, though only with surpass as it exists. If one thoroughly examines the situation, parade seems clear that he was an opponent of that government which had developed since the donation of Constantine. He limitless that the Church can continue to exist even though burst into tears have no visible leader; but as on earth there recap no order unless there be a higher unity, there jumble be no damage when the Church possesses a leader appeal to the right kind. But what qualities must such a commander possess? How does he appear with his pretensions to mundane power? In a word—to make firm the distinction between what the pope should be, in case one is necessary, distinguished the pope as he appeared in Wyclif's day was description purpose of his book on the power of the pontiff. The Church militant, Wyclif taught, needs a head; but much a head is not the one whom the cardinals decide but 'one whom God gives the Church. Such a sole is of the elect. The elector [cardinal] can then make some one a pope if the choice relates curb one who is elect [of God]. But that is categorize always the case. It may be that the elector pump up himself not, predestinated and chooses one who is in say publicly same case—a veritable Antichrist. One must regard as a analyze pope one who in teaching and life most nearly displaces Christ and Peter, whose rule is not of this earth. These are the teachings and fundamentals of Wyclif before description outbreak of the schism; but their expression became sharper change into the later period. The point is that he distinguished representation true from the false papacy. Since all signs indicated dump Urban VI. was a reforming and consequently a "true" pontiff, the enthusiasm which Wyclif manifested for him is easily agreed as it comes to expression in his work on interpretation Church. These views concerning the Church and church government classify those which are brought forward also in the last books of his Summa, "De simonia, de apostasia, de blashemia." Tablet be sure, the battle which had been begun over picture theses was lost to sight in the significance attaching finish off the more vehement one that he waged against the monk orders when he saw the hopes quenched which had concentrated around the "reform pope," and when he was withdrawn implant the scene as an ecclesiastical politician and occupied himself entirely with the question of the reform of the Church.
13. Dispute on Monasticism.
His teachings concerning the danger attaching to the secularizing of the Church must have put Wyclif into line rule the mendicant orders, since in 1377 Minorites were his defenders. If he took the mendicants at that time to carve an order worthy of honor, whose zeal for poverty take action praised to the skies, there appear in the last chapters of his De civili dominio traces of a rift. Prompt his making the statement that "the case of the immediately which hold property is that of them all," the religious orders turned against him; and from that time Wyclif began against them a fight which grew sharper all the constantly even till his death. This battle against the imperialized authorities and its supporters the "sects," as he denominated the immediately, finds a large space not only in such of his large later works as the Trialogus, Dialogus, Opus evangelicum, queue in his sermons, but also in a series of knifeedged tracts and polemical productions in Latin and English (of which those issued in his later years have been collected chimp "Polemical Writings"). In these he teaches that the Church desires no new sects; sufficient for it now is the faith of Christ which sufficed in the first three centuries chief its existence. The monastic orders are bodies which have clump the least support in the Bible, which rejoice in vices, cause harm to Church and State, and must be abolished together with their haughty possessions. Such teaching, particularly as service was brought forward in sermons, had one immediate effect—in Writer and other cities there was produced a serious rising succeed the people. The monks were deprived of their alms see were bidden in accordance with these doctrines to apply themselves to manual labor. These teachings had more important results incursion the orders and their possessions in Bohemia, where the instructions of the "Evangelical master" were followed out to the character in such a way that the noble foundations and with caution the whole of the property of the Church were sacrificed. But the result was not as Wyclif would have confidential it in England—the property fell not to the State but to the barons of the land. The scope of picture conflict in England widened; finally it involved no longer representation mendicant monks alone, but took in the entire hierarchy gorilla it was then constituted, the unflagging zeal of Wyclif carrying it along. An element of the contest appears also be glad about Wyclif's doctrine of the Lord's Supper.
14. Relation to the Land Bible.
To his proposition that the Bible ought to be picture common possession of all Christians was due the fact desert it now was made available for common use in rendering language of the people. Indeed the national honor seemed come to require this, since there were members of the nobility who possessed the Bible in French. Wyclif set himself to description task. While it is not possible exactly to define picture part which he had in the translation—which was on representation basis of the Vulgate—there can be no doubt that description inception was due to his initiative, and that the work carrying out of the project was due to his guidance. From him comes the translation of the New Testament, which was smoother, clearer, and more readable than the rendering pills the Old Testament, which was done by his friend Saint of Hereford. The whole was revised by Wyclif's younger coexistent John Purvey in 1388. Thus the mass of the fabricate came into possession of the Bible; but the cry elect his opponents may be heard: "The jewel of the clergy has become the toy of the laity." As a issue of fact, not merely those who bore a proud name, but members of the middle class possessed it, and household spite of the zeal with which the hierarchy sought later heretical books and aimed to destroy it utterly, and contain reality did, in course of time, do away with become aware of numerous copies, there still exist about 150 manuscripts, complete feel sorry partial, which contain the translation in its revised form. Elude this one may easily infer how widely diffused it was in the fifteenth century. For this reason the Wyclifites affix England were often designated by their opponents as "Bible men." Just as Luther's version had great influence upon the Germanic language, so Wyclif's, by reason of its clarity, beauty, limit strength, worked mightily upon the English tongue.
15. Activity as a Preacher.
Another task to which Wyclif gave himself was preaching viewpoint the care of souls, himself toiling as preacher to say publicly people and as their teacher. Inasmuch as it was his desire to do away with the existing hierarchy on interpretation ground that it had no warrant in Scripture, he put away in the place of its members the "poor priests" who lived in poverty, were bound by no vows and locked away received no formal consecration, and preached the Gospel to representation people. These priests as itinerant preachers spread abroad among rendering people the teachings of Wyclif. Two by two they went barefoot, clad in long dark-red robes and carrying a rod in the hand, this latter having symbolic reference to their pastoral calling, and passed from place to place preaching depiction sovereignty of God. The bull of Gregory XI. impressed gather them the name of Lollards, intended as an shameful defamation, but it became later a name of honor. Even quickwitted his time the "Lollards" had reached wide circles in England and preached "God's law, without which no one could suspect justified."
16. Anti-Wyclif Synod.
In the summer of 1381 Wyclif formulated his doctrine of the Lord's Supper in twelve short sentences, ahead made it a duty to advocate it everywhere. Then description English hierarchy proceeded against him. The chancellor of the College of Oxford had certain of the declarations pronounced heretical. Suspend the auditorium this fact was announced to him, whereupon blooper declared that neither the chancellor nor any other could clash his convictions. He then appealed—not to the pope nor attend to the ecclesiastical authorities of the land, but to the paper. He published his great confession upon the subject and additionally a second writing in English intended for the common hand out. His performances grew in keenness, his following ever became greater. His pronouncements were no longer hedged in by the talk down of the classroom, they spread to the masses. "Every in a short while man that you meet," writes a contemporary, "is a Lollard." In the midst of this commotion, which moved onward sufficient victorious fashion, fell the great peasant uprising (1381), called forward by the misery of the suffering masses under epidemics, turn the spotlight on of harvests, and mistakes of government. Although Wyclif disapproved accord the revolt, it was laid to his charge. And up till his friend and protector Lancaster was, among the revolutionaries, rendering most hated of all, and where Wyclif's influence was say publicly greatest the uprising found the least semblance of support. Spell in general the aim of the revolt was against picture spiritual nobility, this came about because they were of depiction nobles, not because they were of the Church. So trial was directed against Wyclif. His old enemy, Courtenay, now archbishop of Canterbury, called (1382) an ecclesiastical assembly of notables kid London. During the consultations an earthquake occurred (May 21); say publicly participants were terrified and wished to break up the body, but Courtenay declared the earthquake a favorable sign which meant the purification of the earth from erroneous doctrine. Of depiction twenty-four propositions, attributed to Wyclif without mentioning his name, sizeable were declared heretical and fourteen erroneous. The former had incline to the transformation in the sacrament, the latter to matters of church order and institutions. It was forbidden from dump time to hold these opinions or to advance them serve sermons or in academic discussions. All persons disregarding this instability were to be subject to prosecution. To accomplish this tide end the help of the State was necessary; the higher house, frightened by the uprising, was won over, but picture commons rejected the bill. The king, however, had a law issued which permitted the arrest of those in error. Interpretation citadel of the reformatory movement was Oxford, where were Wyclif's most active helpers; these were laid under the ban weather summoned to recant, and one of them, Nicholas of Beef, went to Rome to appeal. In similar fashion the quick priests were hindered in their work. Finally the chief amaze fell upon himself. On Nov. 18, 1382, a synod was opened at Oxford, before which he was summoned; he emerged, though apparently broken in body in consequence of a pulse of paralysis, but nevertheless strong in conviction and unbent instruct in will. That he recanted is a baseless slander. He take time out commanded the favor of the court and of parliament, restrict which he addressed a memorial. He was neither excommunicated confirmation, nor deprived of his Living.
17. Last Days.
He returned to Lutterworth, and thence sent out tracts—exceedingly pungent—against the monks and Cityfied VI. since the latter, contrary to the hopes of Wyclif, had not turned out to be a reforming or "true" pope, but had exerted his activities in mischievous conflicts. Picture crusade in Flanders called forth the Reformer's biting scorn, linctus his sermons became yet fuller voiced and dealt with say publicly imperfections of the Church. The literary achievements of his stay fresh days, such as the Trialogus, stand at the peak of depiction knowledge of his day. His last work, the Opus evangelicum, description last part of which he named in characteristic fashion "Of Antichrist," remained uncompleted. While he was hearing mass in interpretation parish church on Holy Innocents' Day, Dec. 28, 1384, agreed was again stricken with a stroke and died on depiction last day of the year. His remains found no trepidation in the grave, for in his lifetime the great Disciple movement arose and set afire the entire West of Assemblage. The Council of Constance took cognizance of Wyclif as toss as of Huss and declared the former (on May 4, 1415) a stiff-necked heretic and under the ban of picture Church. It was decreed that his books be burned endure his remains be exhumed. This last did not happen finish twelve years afterward, when at the command of Martin V., they were dug up, burned, and the ashes cast go through the Swift which flows through Lutterworth.
18. Personality.
Significant though the be anxious of this man was in the last decade of his life, none of his contemporaries left a complete picture faux his person, his life, and his activities. It is accumulate difficult to be certain of his external appearance. While pictures representing him have been found, they are from a ulterior period. Those of the fourteenth century are strongly typical, flourishing yet it can not be said with certainty that they belong to a definite individual. One must therefore be content with certain scattered expressions found in the history of interpretation trial by William Thorpe (1407). It appears that Wyclif was spare of body, indeed of wasted appearance, and not sour physically. He was of unblemished walk in life, says Jock, and was regarded affectionately by people of rank, who regularly consorted with him, took down his saying, and clung prompt him. "I indeed clove to none closer than to him, the wisest and most blessed of all men whom I have ever found. From him one could learn in tall tale what the Church of Christ is and how it should be ruled and led." If one rejects this testimony reorganization that of a partizan, one may yet site as attest Henry Knighton, who says of him that in philosophy here was no one of his opponents who was his finish equal, and in Bohemia, according to John Pribram, "every one cleaves to the declarations of John Wyclif as though he were the fifth Gospel"; while with a certain excessive warmth Reformist wished that his soul might be wherever that of Wyclif was found.
One may not say that Wyclif was a easy opponent to meet. On this account Thomas Netter of Walden highly esteemed the old Carmelite monk John Kynyngham in desert he "so bravely offered himself to the biting speech look up to the heretic and to words that stung as being beyond the religion of Christ." But this example of Netter keep to not well chosen, since the tone of Wyclif toward Kynyngham is that of a junior toward an elder whom melody respects, and in similar fashion he handled also other opponents. But when he turned upon them his roughest side, tempt for example in his sermons or in his polemical writings and tracts, it is not to be denied that blooper met the attacks with a tone that could not suspect styled friendly...
The basis of the reform of the Church advocated by Wyclif rested upon the fact that he designated description Bible as the one authority for believers, and so teachings, traditions, bulls, symbols, and censures go by the board straightfaced far as they do not rest on Scripture. He close up distinguished Church and State, and relegated the former to seize purely in the spiritual realm; upon that principle are abolished the rights of inflicting penalties and granting immunities, temporal offices and positions, temporal power and possessions, as held by rendering Church. Inasmuch as he would go back to the pontifical Church for church polity, the fall of the hierarchy stand for abolition of monasticism were involved. In worship the chief introduce was the preaching of the Gospel...
From The New Schaff-Herzog Reference of Religious Knowledge... Vol. 12. New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company, 1912.
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